The analysis of organizational and personal reactions toward drug problems van be advanced by understanding the broader cultural classification of these problems. Such classifications of categories include "illness," "crime," "evil," "self-indulgence," etc. The manner in which a problem is classified is a major factor in shaping social and personal reactions to those problems. In this research we focus on indices of cultural orientations toward drug problems that reflect such different classifications of these problems. Our interest is centered on work organizations and on employment. Specifically we are concerned with variations in organizational policies to deal with drug problems in the work setting and with the "readiness" of employed adults to participate in the referral to counseling or treatment of individuals with drug problems. To an extent, our research will index the impact of legislation which has called for "a drug free workplace" in the U.S. The proposed research focuses on the distribution of and changes in three indices of the social and cultural definitions related to drug abuse: (1) workplace policies and practices for dealing directly with drug problems (e.g.employee assistance programs [EAPs] and various types of urine drug screening such as applicant drug screening, probable cause drug screening, fitness for duty drug screening, random drug screening, and medical examination drug screening); (2) access for employees and their dependents with drug abuse problems to treatment resources via employer-provided health insurance benefits; and (3) readiness of employed persons to utilize (for their significant other and for themselves) treatment resources for drug problems. Thus we are focusing on the workplace at two levels, utilizing baseline data on drug related policies and practices from a sample of 300 organizations in Georgia and baseline data from samples of employed adults in georgia collected over a four year period. Both of these baselines essentially predate the Drug Free Workplace legislation, although this research is not framed as a strict evaluation of the impact of that legislation. In this research we propose to build upon these baselines by conducting 2 followup data collections from the 300 work organizations, and to conduct 5 annual telephone interview surveys of equivalent samples of 1100 employed adults.